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A COMMUNICATION 


ON THE 

IMPROVEMENT OF GOVERNMENT: 

READ BEFORE THE 

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL 
SOCIETY, 


AT A MEETING ATTENDED BY 


OCTOBER 1st, 1824. 




BY CHARLES J. INGERSOLL, Esq, 


PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE SOCIETY. 


PHILADELPHIA : 

PRINTED BV ABRAHAM SMALL. 



1824 . 










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4 

At a Stated Meeting of the American 
Philosophical Society, held October Uf, 
1824, at which their associate GENERAL LA 
FAYETTEy was present y the following Commu- 
^ nication was read by Mr. Charles J. Inger- 

SOLL ; and it was resolvedy that a copy be re¬ 
quested of him for immediate publication by the 
Society, 

WM. B. KEATING, 

Secretary. 



ON THE 


IMPROVEMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 


The last half century, so prolific in the mate¬ 
rials of history, is most remarkable for those 
changes of government which practically began 
with the American revolution. The spirit of con¬ 
quest, succeeding that of chivalry, was followed 
by that of commerce, which gave way to the spi¬ 
rit of independence that prevails 5 and fundament¬ 
ally affects all political institutions: Not those 
only, which are immediately under its operations; 
but all the rest. Commerce, and the Press, ra¬ 
pidly disseminate improvements, and add great 
influence to intelligence. Thirty millions of edu¬ 
cated people, now in Europe and America, more 
than there were a few years since, and their num¬ 
ber increasing in geometrical ratio—all intensely 
studious of political philosophy—create another 
empire within every state, continually seeking 
ascendancy. And this empire, though separated 


6 


throughout many nations and by intervening seas, 
is nevertheless one and indivisible in its views and 
sympathies. Public opinion, no longer spent in 
the vacuum of oral tradition, is girt with omnipo¬ 
tence by the independent press, whose piercing 
rays no sanctuary can keep out. Superstition and 
ignorance are fallen into obscurity. Organised 
societies of all sects and nations, are in victorious 
crusade against their last holds. Religion itself 
must soon be free. Already laws are the popu¬ 
lar will, even when otherwise ostensibly enacted. 
Divine right to passive obedience is scarcely as¬ 
serted. Equality of individuals and of nations, 
the advantages of unrestrained intercourse, the 
mischiefs of all superfluous governance, are be¬ 
coming established principles of international and 
of municipal law. Political economy, which has 
remained till lately almost unthought of, since the 
suggestions of Plato on that subject, has taken an 
eminent place among modern sciences. Labour 
and economy are recognised as the wealth of na¬ 
tions. Monopoly, exclusion, local preferences 
and factitious counteraction, are felt and treated 
as issues of calamity; and but few parasites utter 


7 


the preposterous flattery, that private luxury and 
public extravagance invigorate circulation and 
replenishment. Political philosophy is almost as 
much improved. No modern Voltaire would 
venture to say, speaking of Queen Eliza¬ 
beth, that ‘ the people were her chief favourite : 
not that she liked them indeed, for who likes the 
people?^ —or of Charles the Second, ‘ that he was 
the first king of England who procured parlia¬ 
mentary influence by pensions, a method of abridge 
ing difficulties and preventing contradictions* Such 
sentiments now, would hardly be entertained.— 
Their expression in the page of history, would be 
as offensive as a literal translation of the most in¬ 
delicate phrases of the ancient classics. The 
people have come to be treated with the respect 
of other sovereigns: and public corruption is at 
least not applauded. In America the names of 
things are changed, with their substance. In 
Europe, certain antique names, forms and pre¬ 
possessions, remain unaltered, as a sort of equi¬ 
valent for the substantial capitulations that have 
taken place. But almost universally there is an 
adoption of many cardinal ameliorations, which 


"i' 


I 


8 


cannot fail to superinduce others : and it is espe¬ 
cially the powerful and controlling empires whose 
tendency is unequivocal to liberal ideas. The 
independence of the whole American hemisphere 
is not more obvious than its influence in Europe. 
Its European recognition is a mere commercial 
question, the argument of which affects rather fa¬ 
vourably than otherwise the basis of political ac¬ 
knowledgment. When North America can say 
to Europe, ‘ you shall not recolonise.South Ame¬ 
rica,’ the matter is settled. 

Fox would not have retired discomfitted by 
Pitt, if he could have said, “ within twenty-five 
years your adherents will repeal millions of taxes, 
disband hundreds of thousands of fighting men, 
relax the system of pressure, that has been con¬ 
tinually drawing closer since Edward the third, 
openly disavow the wisdom of your predecessors, 
and avow their conviction that the true interests of 
Great Britain consist in permanent peace and for¬ 
bearing legislation.”—It is not more than fifteen 
years since the members of parliament from Lon¬ 
don, Liverpool and Bristol, anxiously opposed 
the abolition of the slave trade as destructive of 


9 


their commerce, and many of the ministers de¬ 
nounced it by the still more damning conjurations 
of democraticaland disorganising; now the West- 
India islands are accounted no consideration for 
refusing education to African slaves. Meanwhile 
more radical changes are broached and agitated ; 
going to the whole structure of the constitution; 
which, though yet repelled by seemingly insur¬ 
mountable aversion, may soon, like the abolition 
of the slave trade, with the genius of the age to 
pioneer them, make good their way to favour. 

An optiomnist finds consolation for the fears 
that a vast Asiatic empire, which regulates Eu¬ 
rope, is about to crush all liberty with its porten¬ 
tous ukases. The imperial chief of that empire, 
fortified with an obsequious alliance, which has 
taken the credentials of the Popes when in their 
plenitude, with a million of men at arms in peace, 
and colonies of soldiers to reinforce them with 
generations of recruits, was, after all, brought up 
in the modern nurture of philanthrophy and popu¬ 
larity; and plumes himself on the suppression of 
ignorance and vassalage by educating fifty mil¬ 
lions of subjects. Thus he is really, by the grace 

B 


10 


of God, the happy incident which Madame de 
Stael says he styled himself, when speaking to 
her of this topic; and independence may com¬ 
pound with absolute power so exercised. So sub¬ 
stantially indeed are popular equality and sove¬ 
reignty acknowledged in Russia, that promotion, 
instead of being of noble appropriation, is open 
to all competitors; and so decidedly is idle no¬ 
bility disparaged, that none acquire public dis¬ 
tinction but those who earn it by public service. 

At all events the fulcrum is safe in America: 
not only by its own position and strength, but 
also by tacit consent of the Holy Alliance; for 
does not the recent convention between the United 
States and Russia imply that no offence is taken 
at the North American declaration of South Ame¬ 
rican independence and protection ? I believe we 
may rest assured, that the political, intellectual and 
physical state of man, is generally improved and 
improving. Jury trial and other great amend¬ 
ments are taking effect among the tractable East 
Indians. Steam boats are employed in Astrakan 
and Siberia. Newspapers are published at Pekin. 
Almost the same political economy is proclaimed, 


11 


if not practised, throughout Europe and Ame¬ 
rica. A corner of creation, towards which the 
rest looks with fondness, as the ancient mart of 
the mind, without any force but the energy of 
despair, or hope but that of the auspices of the 
age, has for several years annually sacrificed he¬ 
catombs of Turks to independence. Even Egypt, 
the preceptress of Greece, gives signs of the un- 
dertanding that precedes it. If, in the definition 
of Shakespeare, which Burke pronounced the 
best, 

Man is a creature holding large discourse. 

Looking before and after— 
his rights and interests are in full advancement: 
His discourse becoming freer, his forecast more 
rational, his recollections more philosophical ; 
and, without regard to the mere form of govern¬ 
ment, the whole social organisation much ame¬ 
liorated. 

The civilised world is rapidly filling with the 
disciples of a philosophy, not ‘ the production of 
wildness or promise of desolation,* but invincibly 
armed against the despotism of individuality; 
which inculcates universal education^ throws open 


12 


all careers to all; superadds chemistry and na¬ 
tural philosophy to the arts of life, and politi¬ 
cal economy to the sciences of government; 
enacts laws by equal representation; simplifies 
their enforcement; restrains sparingly, punishes 
mildly ; discourages hostilities, by leaving those 
to declare war who bear most of the brunt, and 
acquire least of the glory. Not that it pretends to 
remould humanity, to abolish punishments, or 
abjure arms :—but to give freer scope than here¬ 
tofore to the doctrine, that selfishness is punish¬ 
ment, and probity a resource; that justice and 
moderation prevent wars; and that when they do 
occur, no military organisation can wage, abridge, 
or illustrate them like that patriotism, which 
thinks as well as feels, and reasons when self de¬ 
voted to every hazard. 

Locke and Montesquieu had planted the germs; 
but the actuality of this beneficent government 
was reserved for America, where adequate ex¬ 
perience justifies the belief, not that it is without 
defects ; by no means; but that it is an improve¬ 
ment ; a great relative good. Its legitimate an¬ 
nouncement is in the Declaration of American In- 


13 


dependence : I believe its earliest authentic sanc¬ 
tion in Europe, is to be found in the first Treaty 
of the United States, which Dr. Franklin nego¬ 
tiated with France in 78 ; obtaining a signal vic¬ 
tory over the most inveterate and intractable pre¬ 
judices, to encourage the infant diplomacy of 
America. Turgot, the founder of political eco¬ 
nomy in France, if not in Europe (for his Essay on 
the Formation of National Wealth is said to have 
suggested to Smith his paternal work on the 
Wealth of Nations,) who composed the familiar 
legend for Franklin— 

Eripuit fulmen ccelo, mox sceptra tyrannis 

had impressed many of the most enlightened men 
of his country, among them the amiable and un¬ 
fortunate Louis, the Sixteenth, with predisposi¬ 
tions for liberal institutions. A young nobleman, 
inspired with an ardour equal to that of Colum¬ 
bus, resolved to risque all for the New World. 
The American Patriarch, whose mission to Eu¬ 
rope, was as desperate as that of La Fayette^s to 
America, wanted the means of sending such a 
succour to the cause which he undertook, and 


14 


succeeded to convince the French Government, 
that it was wise to espouse. His generous pupil 
crossed the Atlantic, at his own charge, and joined 
his gratuitous service to that of a commander, 
whom, one of those most competent to decide, 
characterised as ‘ giving more than any other 
human being, the example of a perfect man.^ 
In the verse of our national bard— 

Fame fired their courage, freedom flushed their swords. 
While, with their comrades in an epic of disas¬ 
ters, they were achieving by force, what force 
alone could not effectuate. Dr. Franklin concluded 
that memorable Treaty, so worthy of note for its 
immediate results, but so much more so as a 
sanction and standard of politics, to w^hose immor¬ 
tal truth, more than to arms, independence is due. 
Its ‘ basis is the most perfect equality and reci¬ 
procity, carefully avoiding all those burthensome 
preferences, which are usually sources of debate, 
embarrassment and discontent.^—Such is the 
simple argument of the preamble; containing, 
may it not be said, the whole philosophy of go¬ 
vernment, whose deities are equality and reci¬ 
procity, whose daemons are burthensome prefe- 


\ 


15 


rences, national and individual, foreign and muni¬ 
cipal ; whose only legitimate functions and prac¬ 
ticable benefit is their regulation by mild provi¬ 
sions. 

The sun of this system is not yet in the meri¬ 
dian ; its selectest influence is shed but partially; 
from many dark regions of splendid misery it is 
excluded altogether. Yet where is the quarter 
of Christendom that should exclaim with the Sa¬ 
tan of the great republican poet! 

Oh thou, that with surpassing glory crown’d. 
Look’s! from thy sole dominion like the God 
Of this new world, at whose sight all the stars. 

Hide their diminished heads ; to thee I call. 

But with no friendly voice, and add thy name. 

Oh Sun ! to tell thee how 1 hate thy beams. 

During the many years of undermining war 
r\nd pressure which the British empire has so glo¬ 
riously survived, what would have become of it 
without those beams, not only to sustain, but to 
rebuke it ? Instead of queen of the isles, without 
the popular stamina of her constitution. Great Bri¬ 
tain must have been numbered with the bankrupt 
despotisms that are the insupportable burthens of 


16 


others, and the fanatical scourges of themselves. 
And who believes that those stamina would have 
remained sound without America? It has not 
been as colonies or customers, by “ the full breast 
of youthful exuberance held to the mouth of an 
exhausted parent,’’ that this country has been 
most profitable to the mother country ; but as an 
independent rival, by the warning of a firm popu¬ 
lar government, of which every wind from the 
four quarters of the globe wafted the tidings of 
prosperity. 

Or is it France that hates these beams? The 
French Revolution of 89 was the lawful offspring 
of the American Revolution of 76. The means 
were not havoc. The end was not plunder. Far 
from it. La Fayette and his associates, many of 
whom traced their nobility beyond the feudal age, 
desired restoration :—to share again with the peo¬ 
ple at least a part of those privileges which every 
educated man knows they hold by titles, not only 
more rational, but more antient, than any titles of 
nobility of which successive usurpations had de- 
poiled them. The martyr king, whom a resolu¬ 
tion of the American Congress entitled Protector 


17 


of the Rights of Mankind, swore to maintain them. 
The present king was their declared advocate. If 
the selfish, coward few, whose ancestors for cen¬ 
turies had sown the wind, fled from their lordly 
homes at the reaping of the whirlwind,—if from 
their hiding places abroad they scattered back the 
seeds of yet more terrible desolation, who is ac¬ 
countable ?—whose the harvest ? 

And was not the French Revolution indispen¬ 
sable ? the only possible revival of France from 
the prostration of many reigns of misrule and im¬ 
poverishment. Let us not exaggerate the evils 
nor undervalue the good of concussions in the 
order of things. Let not the many illustrious 
victimsj nor the atrocities of their executioners, 
disqualify the mind to estimate the event. The 
mortmain wastes of their fair country, for the first 
time covered with smiling homesteads; her com¬ 
merce, manufactures, and agriculture flourishing 
beyond example ; her chaos of finance restored to 
competency; her capital and circulation solid and 
aflluent, with credit (the plant that withers in 
the absolute soil, and thrives only in the liberal,) 
superadded to them ; a contented and educating 
c 


18 


people; a jurisprudence the admiration of the 
world ; a metropolis the centre of refinement; li¬ 
terary and scientific institutes pre-eminent; a 
press comparatively free ; above all, morals, long 
abandoned to the most profligate dissoluteness, 
of which the court set the example, chastened by 
the first prevalence of those domestic virtues 
which are the pure fountains of all the rest 5 — 
these are the sequel, and the fruits of the revolu¬ 
tion these are the enjoyments of those who de¬ 
plore its ravages. 

In Europe, a clamorous and ungenerous reac^ 
tion may confound all periods, persons and trans¬ 
actions of that agony, in one dark cloud of ob¬ 
loquy. But America is a sort of posterity to Eu¬ 
rope. Here it is that the principles of independ¬ 
ence are to be vindicated—-not only by the wis¬ 
dom of government and affection of the people— 
but by history, philosophy, eloquence, and 
all the means of justification. If the truth be 
not radiated from this luminary, where can 
it prevail ? Though the origin of those prin¬ 
ciples in this hemisphere, like its first settle¬ 
ment, was forlorn and their progress long disas- 


19 


trous, as in Europe it has been convulsive and 
portentous, they are nevertheless already esta¬ 
blished here beyond contradiction; if for a mo¬ 
ment eclipsed in the east, yet there and here and 
every where destined to be soon the spell to dis¬ 
enchant and reform the world. 

Our enviable associate General La Fayette has 
enjoyed the singular happiness of sharing their 
fortunes for the half century of their existence. 
Disciple of Franklin, intimate of his legitimate 
successor, for many years the president of this 
society, who carried into the presidency of the 
country the benevolent, economical, just and pa¬ 
cific doctrines of the philosophy of the age—he 
has uniformly under all vicissitudes in both worlds 
maintained it from the first, till rewarded by the 
brilliant present; when part of his requital is a 
popular coronation, to which the triumph of old 
or any modern pageant bears but a faint resem¬ 
blance. For cold and cheerless is bespoken and 
organised pomp. No spectacle is either physi¬ 
cally or morally comparable in magnificence to 
that of a rejoicing nation. No government can 
rouse a people like their owm awakening. No 


20 


treasury can afford the means, no ordinance can 
produce the effects of the gratuitous ostentation of 
an unanimous people. America does not forge, 
the romantic forthcoming of the most generous 
consistent and heroic of the knights of the old 
world to the rescue of the new. She has always 
dwelt delighted on the constancy of the nobleman 
who could renounce titles and wealth, for more 
historical and philanthropic honors ; the comman¬ 
der renouncing power, who never shed a drop of 
blood for conquest or vain glory. She has often 
trembled, but never blushed, for her oriental 
champion, when tried by the alternate caresses 
and rage of the most terrific mobs, and imposing 
monarchs. She knows that his hospitable man¬ 
sion was the shrine at which her citizens in France 
consecrated their faith in independence. 

Thither did all her valiant youth resort. 

And from his memory inflame their breasts 
To matchless valour, and adventures high. 

Invited to revisit the scenes of his first emi¬ 
nence, the very idolatry of the welcome abounds 
with redeeming characteristics of self government. 
A squadron of steam boats brought him to the 


21 


shore. A steam boat of larger dimensions than 
the ships of war to w'hich, in the time of Henry 
the Great, those of all the rest of Europe vailed 
their flags, has been a vehicle of his pleasures— 
emblematic of the enterprise, mobility, abundance, 
comfort and equality of the country which 
the last time our distinguished guest assisted 
at a meeting of this society, July, 1785, was poor, 
in debt, feeble and uncertain of its destiny.— 
A population more numerous, homogeneous, 
and incomparably more intelligent than that 
of England, when Louis, the Fourteenth with 
half a million of regular soldiers, was chased 
to the gardens of Versailles 5 better housed, cloth¬ 
ed, and fed than any other; stand forth, in mass, 
more than ten millions strong, covering two 
thousand miles square of territory, a martial and a 
lofty nation, without any impulse of government, 
displaying their happiness, their strength and their 
gratitude, by a national jubilee to signalise the arri¬ 
val of their guest. The sons of sires whom he led 
to battle in calamitous resistance to a trifling tax 
are ready to lavish their last cent to make him 
welcome. An industrious people, who earn their 


22 


daily bread by labour, suspend all occupation but 
rejoicing with him. His voluntary escort consists 
of larger bodies of well equipped troops than 
could be raised throughout the revolution. Hun¬ 
dreds of thousands of enthusiasts, of all sexes, 
ages and conditions, are daily and nightly thronged 
together in his train, without disorder, confusion, 
or crime. Learned and pious societies, the fe¬ 
male sex, all ages, the church, the professions, 
the various trades, the swarms of innumerable 
schools, city corporations, the magistrates of four 
and twenty sovereign states, and of the adult em¬ 
pire of their Union—all business laid aside—the 
courts of justice shut—party, and avarice, and 
every other passion hushed—from every private 
dwelling and public edifice, pour out to swell the 
perfectly placid and regulated current that bears 
upon its bosom—Not a chieftain reeking from 
reckless victory, sparkling with the trophies of 
ruffian war, drenched with tears of blood, incensed 
by vulgar adulation—No: But a simple indivi¬ 
dual, without authority, power, patronage, or re¬ 
cent exploit, venerable with age, mellowed by 
misfortunes—who has nothing but his blessing to 


23 


give in return, whose merits are remote recollec¬ 
tions, whose magic is disinterestedness,—proved 
by a long life of temperate consistency, to be 
worthy of this homage in the commemoration of 
Independence. The man of whom no instance 
is known of selfishness or dangerous abuse— 
whose sword itself was the gift of the founder of 
the temple of concord—with such a man, as the 
representative of their persecuted but triumphant 
cause, a sedate and thinking people give vent to 
their enthusiasm. They raise him before the 
world as its image, and bear him through illumi¬ 
nated cities and widely cultivated regions, all re¬ 
dolent with festivity and every device of hospi¬ 
tality and entertainment,, where, when their inde¬ 
pendence was declared, there was little else than 
wilderness and war. 

It is the poetry of history—rthis popular congra¬ 
tulation. Its most rational, and doubtless ac¬ 
ceptable, the predominating essence, is its pure, 
spontaneous popularity. If a fault may be found, 
it is when the American original is tinged by a 
mistaken mixture of European imitation, other¬ 
wise, the universal hallelujah of peace and pros¬ 
perity, whose music is full of the finest moral.— 


24 


I?- 




It will sound with encouragement and admonition 
along the vast spine of mountains that binds the 
American continents, from the frozen ocean to 
the streights of Magellan. It will pervade the 
Padfic. It will cross the Atlantic. Whereso¬ 
ever it reaches, proclaiming independence ; start¬ 
ling enthroned monarchs; reproaching how many 
that survive dethroned! Not a child but must 
understand the lesson. Europe and America are 
covered with the wrecks of warlike potentates 
and principalities, unable, with prodigious means, 
to resist the storms, which the serene pilot of the 
rights of man has weathered with his little ven¬ 
ture of despised integrity. 

Who that feels but shares in the present bene¬ 
diction! Who that thinks but appreciates its value! 
If this world’s favours have any price, what can 
exceed this reward? .Ifthere be any philosophy 
in history, what can teach like this ? Cordial, 
glorious, and formidable, are the free sympathies 
of an independent nation. Cheering is this na¬ 
tional acclaim to America—warning to Europe-^ 
full of promise to mankind and to posterity. It 
is the religion of politics, proving the voice of the 
people to be the voice of God. 


JL ’C5 





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